Hey, it worked in the Soviet Union, right?

David Kirkpatrick has the story in The New York Times about another (so far) futile gesture in Egypt:

With police stations and the governing party’s headquarters in flames and much of this crucial Middle Eastern nation in open revolt, President Hosni Mubarak of Egypt deployed the nation’s military and imposed a near-total blackout on communications to save his authoritarian government of nearly thirty years.
Protesters continued to defy a nationwide curfew in the early hours of Saturday, as Mr. Mubarak, 82, breaking days of silence, appeared on national television, promising to replace the ministers in his government, but calling popular protests “part of bigger plot to shake the stability” of Egypt. He refused calls, shouted by huge, angry crowds in the central squares of Cairo, the northern port of Alexandria, and the canal city of Suez, for him to resign. “I will not shy away from taking any decision that maintains the security of every Egyptian,” he vowed, as gunfire rang out around Cairo.
Whether his infamously efficient security apparatus and well-financed but politicized military could enforce that order— and whether it would stay loyal to him even if it came to shedding blood— was the main question for many Egyptians.
It was also a pressing concern for the White House, where President Obama called Mr. Mubarak and then, in his own Friday television appearance, urged him to take “concrete steps” toward the political and economic reform that the stalwart American ally had repeatedly failed to deliver.
Whatever the fallout from the protests— be it change that comes suddenly or unfolds over years— the upheaval at the heart of the Arab world has vast repercussions for the status quo in the region, including tolerance for secular dictators by a new generation of frustrated youth, the viability of opposition that had been kept mute or locked up for years, and the orientation of regional governments toward the United States and Israel, which had long counted Egypt as its most important friend in the region.
Many regional experts were still predicting that the wily Mr. Mubarak, who has outmaneuvered domestic political rivals and Egypt’s Islamic movement, the Muslim Brotherhood, for decades, would find a way to suppress dissent and restore control. But the apparently spontaneous, nonideological and youthful protesters also posed a new kind of challenge to a state security system focused on more traditional threats from organized religious groups and terrorists.
Recent protests were the largest and most diverse yet, including young and old, women with Louis Vuitton bags and men in galabeyas, factory workers and film stars. All came surging out of mosques after midday prayers headed for Tahrir Square, and their clashes with the police left clouds of tear gas wafting through empty streets.
For the first time since the 1980s, Mr. Mubarak felt compelled to call the military into the streets of the major cities to restore order and enforce a national 6 p.m. curfew. He also ordered that Egypt be essentially severed from the global Internet and telecommunications systems. Even so, videos from Cairo and other major cities showed protesters openly defying the curfew and few efforts being made to enforce it.
Street battles unfolded throughout the day, as hundreds of thousands of people streamed out of mosques after noon prayers on Friday in Cairo, Alexandria, Suez and other cities around the country. By nightfall, the protesters had burned down the ruling party’s headquarters in Cairo, and looters marched away with computers, briefcases and other equipment emblazoned with the party’s logo. Other groups assaulted the Interior Ministry and the state television headquarters until after dark, when the military occupied both buildings and regained control. At one point, the American Embassy came under attack.
Six Cairo police stations and several police cars were in flames, and stations in Suez and other cities were burning as well. Office equipment and police vehicles burned, and the police seemed to have retreated from Cairo’s main streets. Brigades of riot police officers deployed at mosques, bridges, and intersections, and they battered the protesters with tear gas, water, rubber-coated bullets, and, by day’s end, live ammunition.
With the help of five armored trucks and at least two fire trucks, more than a thousand riot police officers fought most of the day to hold the central Kasr al-Nil bridge. But, after hours of advances and retreats, by nightfall a crowd of at least twice as many protesters broke through. The Interior Ministry said nearly 900 were injured there and in the neighboring Giza area, with more than 400 hospitalized with critical injuries. State television said thirteen were killed in Suez and 75 injured; a total of at least six were dead in Cairo and Giza.
The uprising here was also the biggest outbreak yet in a wave of youth-led revolts around the region since the 14 January ouster of President Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali of Tunisia— a country with just half Cairo’s population of twenty million. “Tunis, Tunis, Tunis,” protesters chanted outside the Tunisian Embassy here.
“Egyptians, right now, are not afraid at all,” said Walid Rachid, a student taking refuge from tear gas inside a Giza mosque. “It may take time, but our goal will come, an end to this regime. I want to say to this regime: thirty years is more than enough. Our country is going down and down because of your policies.”
Mr. Mubarak, in his televised address, said he was working to open up democracy and to fight “corruption”, and he said he understood the hardships facing the Egyptian people. But, he said, “a very thin line separates freedom from chaos.” His offer to replace his cabinet is unlikely to be viewed as a major concession; Mr. Mubarak often changes ministers without undertaking fundamental reforms.
A crowd of young men who had gathered around car radios on a bridge in downtown Cairo to listen to the speech said they were enraged by it, saying that they had heard it before and wanted him to go. “Leave, leave,” they chanted, vowing to return to the streets the next day. “Down, down with Mubarak.” A bonfire of office furniture from the ruling party headquarters was burning nearby, and the carcasses of police vehicles were still smoldering. The police appeared to have retreated from large parts of the city. Protesters throughout the day spoke of the military’s eventual deployment as a foregone conclusion, given the scale of the uprising and Egyptian history. The military remains one of Egypt’s most esteemed institutions, a source of nationalist pride. It was military officers who led the coup that toppled the British-backed monarch here in 1952, and all three Egypt’s presidents, including Mr. Mubarak, a former air force commander, have risen to power through the ranks of the military. It has historically been a decisive factor in Egyptian politics and has become a major player— as a business owner— in the economy as well. Some protesters seemed to welcome the soldiers, even expressing hopes that the military would somehow take over and potentially oust Mr. Mubarak. Others said they despaired that, unlike the relatively small and apolitical army in Tunisia, the Egyptian military was loyal first of all to its own institutions and alumni, including Mr. Mubarak. “Will they stage a coup?” asked Hosam Sowilan, a retired general and a former director of a military research center here. “This will never happen.” He added: “The army in Tunisia put pressure on Ben Ali to leave. We are not going to do that here. The army here is loyal to this country and to the regime.”
One of the protesters leaving a mosque near Cairo was Mohamed el-Baradei, an Egyptian who won the Nobel Peace Prize for his work with the International Atomic Energy Agency, and has since emerged as a leading critic of the government. “This is the work of a barbaric regime that is, in my view, doomed,” he said after being sprayed by a water cannon. Now, he said, “it is the people versus the thugs.”
The Muslim Brotherhood, for decades Egypt’s only viable opposition movement, had taken a back seat to the youth protest. But, perhaps stunned at the scale of that uprising, it called its supporters to the streets in full force.
Many protesters shouted religious slogans, though not the Brotherhood’s trademark “Islam is the solution”. Instead, the crowds seemed so large and diverse that it was impossible to gauge what proportion might have subscribed to the Islamist ideology of the Brotherhood. “We decided to participate in full force today, because we felt that the people were starting to respond,” said Gamal Tag Eddin, a middle-aged lawyer and a member of the Brotherhood. “We could not participate alone because the government uses us to scare people, here and abroad. Now that the people have moved, the Brotherhood are in with all their members in order to bring down this oppressive regime.”
Several others said they felt shame that their homeland— the cradle of civilization and a onetime leader of the Arab world— had slipped toward backwardness and irrelevance, eclipsed by the rise of the Persian Gulf states. Some said they felt outdone by tiny Tunisia.
Mohamed Fouad, sitting near the Ramses Hilton nursing a wound from a rubber-coated bullet in the middle of his forehead, wondered how long it would take to dislodge Mr. Mubarak. “In Tunis, they protested for a month,” he said. “But they have 11 million people. We have 85 million.”

Rico says it's hide-and-watch time with the Islamic states; hopefully the Muslim Brotherhood and their ilk won't come out on top...